The globalisation of education has become visible in many ways. One of these, is international migration for the purpose of education. This international flow of students is unequally divided over the world since the pattern in which the migration takes place, can be generalised to a stream from east to west and non-English speaking countries to English-speaking countries.[1]
The USA, Canada, UK, Australia and New-Zealand together, receive almost half of the entire global stream of international students.[2] Among these countries, the USA, UK and Australia are particularly popular which together with Germany and France receive the highest number of international students in the world.[3]
The explanation for this stream is quite diverse. On the one hand, educational migration can be applied to obtain a certain ‘symbolic-‘ and ‘cultural capital’ for the sake of an improvement of the labor market prospects and future earnings.[4] On the other hand, it can be used for the purpose of migration in general, where a student increases the chance to settle down in the country of studies after graduation.[5]
As mentioned earlier, many native English-speaking countries are particularly popular as a destination for global student migration. When France, Germany and the rest of all western countries are included in this picture, it seems very likely that western credentials are highly valued around the entire world. For this reason, it is very interesting to investigate the migration patterns among western students to get a deeper understanding of what hierarchy of educational institutes there is within the western world and whether that difference is worth migrating for.
International students in Denmark
To get a deeper understanding of the globalisation of education in the western world, Europe is particularly interesting. The distribution of wealth across the continent is quite uneven, while the physical distance to other European nations is relatively short. A flow of student migration from the European periphery to the wealthy European center, could therefore be expected.
Many students from Eastern Europe are indeed aware of the unequal distribution of wealth across the European continent. They often consider the country where they are from ‘behind’ compared to Western Europe and oftentimes blame the heritage of the communist era for causing that gap.[6] For many Eastern European students, seeking education in Western Europe is a strategy for long term settlement in the west to escape the political- or economic system of their country of origin.[7] The quality of the educational program or how this will affect the career-prospects of the individual are thereby of inferior importance.[8]
A popular country of destination for international students from Eastern Europe is Denmark, which has experienced a growing trend of incoming Eastern European students.[9] Where the number of Eastern European students around the year 2000 was close to 0, it increased to about 35% of all international students in Denmark in 2017.[10]
An explanation for this growing trend might be found in Denmark’s student grant system, the so called ‘SU’.[11] According to the rules of the SU, students from the European Union who work 10-12 hours a week, are eligible for the student grant which they receive in addition to their salary.[12] For students who hold a passport of the European Union, the SU can facilitate a successful migration to the west since students are less dependent on financial support from the home-country. Studying in Denmark can therefore be utilized as a bridge between Eastern- and Western Europe, offering the possibility to build up a new life in the west.
With a monthly contribution equivalent to 780 euros, The SU is the most generous student grant of the entire European Union.[13] Since the SU is not a loan but a gift and the amount of incoming international students has increased over the last years, it has been a strong point of debate in Danish politics.[14]
General migration patterns among European students
The migration pattern from Eastern European students to Denmark, cannot be taken as a general example for migration patterns around Europe. The vast majority of European students does not move abroad to seek education.[15] While globalisation of education within the European Union is happening, such as the example from Eastern Europe to Denmark, it is rather an exception than a rule. Generally speaking, the flow of international students within Europe has followed the decreasing trend of migration within the European Union in general.[16] The explanation behind this trend could be found in the relative economic stability in the European Union and a decreasing salary gap between its member states.[17]
The limited migration to seek education between developed countries is not restricted to Europe. From a global perspective, the migration patterns are very comparable with the European reality. In the year 2009 for example, 56% of international student migration took place from developing countries to developed countries while only 0,9% took place from one developed country to another.[18]
With the growing interest in higher education for maintaining a competitive position in the global knowledge economy, the European Union established the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) and the European Research Area (ERA).[19] For a successful survival of these institutes and that of the European Union in general, European integration is of high importance to promote further cooperation between the EU member states. One of the most successful initiatives so far to achieve that, might have been the Erasmus Exchange program.
The EU’s most successful mobility project
The Bologna process marked an important era of European cooperation in the field of higher education. An important driving force behind this cooperation, was strengthening the position of Europe in the global knowledge economy.[20] This goal led to the establishment of the ‘Erasmus program’.[21] The Erasmus program was found in 1987 with the purpose of promoting the exchange of European students where a part of their degree could be completed at a university in a different European member state.[22] The idea behind the Erasmus program, was to create a stronger international European awareness and to contribute to the development of a ‘pan-European’ identity.[23] The Erasmus program is often praised for its success and is therefore often called one of the European Union’s most successful policy achievements to date.[24]
The success of the Erasmus program becomes clear when the migration patterns of European students are more closely examined. Roughly, a distinction can be made of two different types of student migration on the European continent: ‘spontaneous’ and ‘organised’ migration.[25] The difference between the two types of student migration is that spontaneous migration involves the own initiative of a student to pursue a full degree abroad, while organised migration involves bi-lateral or multi-lateral agreements between universities in different member states.[26] The fact that organised migration of European students is far superior to spontaneous migration, is a strong indicator that the Erasmus program has indeed turned out very successful.[27] Yet, this early conclusion should be approached rather carefully since reasons for the domination of organised migration over spontaneous migration can be explained from different perspectives.
One of these perspectives, is indeed the success of the Erasmus program and the impulse it has given to educational migration. Bi-lateral or multi-lateral agreements could raise the awareness of the possibility to go abroad and simultaneously smoothen the process itself which could make it more attractive. Additionally, the existence of these international agreements could emphasize the value of foreign credentials and the symbolic value it represents in relation to fellow students who will not obtain these foreign credentials. A driving force behind organized student migration would in that case be related to obtaining symbolic- and cultural capital.[28]
Another perspective on the domination of organised migration over spontaneous migration, could be found in the failure of the facilitation of spontaneous migration. Initially European initiatives were promoting the stimulation of spontaneous migration but faced strong objection from individual universities and national governments.[29] Important arguments for that, were the expected high efforts involving the social assistance of foreign students and national control over admission processes.[30]
Another important factor to oppose the idea of spontaneous student migration could be found in the strong inequality of tuition fees and student grants within the European Union. In the case of Denmark for example, large scale promotion of spontaneous migration to seek education in Denmark, could pose a serious threat to the survival of its financially generous educational system. Since Denmark has a small population, extensive immigration of international students could lead to a strong financial pressure on the educational system and thereby other tax-funded expenses of the country.
Educational strategies within the globalisation of education
Denmark hosts about 3% of the world’s international students while over 80% of all international students in Denmark holds a passport of the European Union.[31] From all these international students about 55% resided in Denmark in the following years after graduation.[32] This means that roughly 45% of international students left the country rather quickly after receiving their degree.
The international students who worked in Denmark during their studies and received SU, did not only receive their salary and the SU student grant. Like all students from EU countries, they have received free education, since education is free of charge in Denmark for all EU citizens.[33] When these students in particular leave the country shortly after graduation, they form a negative investment for Denmark from a financial perspective. An important strategy to reduce this financial loss, was initiated with the idea of reducing the number of English programs offered in Danish Higher education. It is for that reason, that the Ministry of Higher Education and Science ordered to cut 1000-1200 English study places within programs of which research has shown that many students leave Denmark shortly after their graduation.[34]
In other parts of the EU and the world, the educational landscape looks far different than that of Denmark. In the Anglo-Saxon countries such as the UK, USA and Australia, the educational system is known for its high tuition fees. For these countries incoming international students form a source of income and contribute strongly to the funding of the local educational system.[35] The development of globalisation of education might therefore be received very differently in the EU and the rest of the countries around the world.
Consequences of the globalisation of education
The diversity of the European Union is visible in many ways. One of these, is the way in which educational systems are organised within its member states. Where education in for example Denmark is free of charge for all EU students, universities in the UK charge high tuition fees. From a financial perspective, international student migration is therefore more profitable in one member than the other. This unequal competition of educational systems turns the globalisation of education into a profitable business for one system, while it poses a serious financial threat to the other.
Since educational systems in Europe are organised in very diverse ways, it might give an explanation why the spontaneous migration of international students is not embraced to the same extent in all member states.
Even though the Erasmus program has proven to be successful, the European dream of spontaneous student migration might be a challenging project. As long as international student migration is a profitable business for one member state and a welfare project for the other, an unstable fundament for further cooperation in European higher education might be inevitable.
[1] Brooks, Rachel., Waters, Johanna. Student Mobilities, Migration and the Internationalization of Higher Education. (1st edn Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) p.115.
[2] Ibid.
[3] Perkins, Richard and Neumayer, Eric. Geographies of educational mobilities: exploring the uneven flows of international students. The geographical journal, vol 180 no.3 (2014). DOI: 10.1111/geoj.12045. p.248.
[4] Ibid.
(Symbolic and cultural capital areterms used by Pierre Bourdieu and can in this context be understood as the symbolic value of credentials from a specific country or educational institute).
[5] Ibid.
[6] Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019) p.104.
[7] Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019) p.108.
[8] Ibid.
[9] Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019) p.12.
[10] Ibid.
[11] Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019) p.13.
[12] Ibid.
[13] Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019) p.7.
[14] Ibid.
[15] Brooks, Rachel., Waters, Johanna. Student Mobilities, Migration and the Internationalization of Higher Education. (1st edn Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) p.76.
[16] Ibid.
[17] Ibid.
[18] Perkins, Richard., Neumayer, Eric. Geographies of educational mobilities: exploring the uneven flows of international students. The geographical journal, vol 180 no.3 (2014). DOI: 10.1111/geoj.12045. p.247.
[19] Amaral, Alberto., Neave, Guy., Musselin, Christine., Maassen, Peter. European Integration and the Governance of Higher Education and Research. (1st edn New York: Springer, 2010). p.3.
[20] Amaral, Alberto., Neave, Guy., Musselin, Christine., Maassen, Peter. European Integration and the Governance of Higher Education and Research. (1st edn New York: Springer, 2010). p.59.
[21] Ibid.
[22] Brooks, Rachel., Waters, Johanna. Student Mobilities, Migration and the Internationalization of Higher Education. (1st edn Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) p.69.
[23] Ibid.
[24] Ibid.
[25] Brooks, Rachel., Waters, Johanna. Student Mobilities, Migration and the Internationalization of Higher Education. (1st edn Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) p.70.
[26] Ibid.
[27] Ibid.
[28] Perkins, Richard., Neumayer, Eric. Geographies of educational mobilities: exploring the uneven flows of international students. The geographical journal, vol 180 no.3 (2014). DOI: 10.1111/geoj.12045. p.248.
(Symbolic and cultural capital areterms used by Pierre Bourdieu and can in this context be understood as the symbolic value of credentials from a specific country or educational institute).
[29] Brooks, Rachel., Waters, Johanna. Student Mobilities, Migration and the Internationalization of Higher Education. (1st edn Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011) p.71.
[30] Ibid.
[31] Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019) p.10.
[32] Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019) p.11.
[33] Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019) p.6.
[34] Morthorst-Rasmussen, Drude. Danish government to cut English-language programmes with more than 1,000 students. Uniavisen. 28 august 2018. https://uniavisen.dk/en/danish-government-to-cut-english-language-programmes-with-more-than-1000-students/ (Accessed 22 October 2019).
[35] Phillips, Matthew W. & Stahl, Charles W. International Trade in Higher Education Services in the Asia Pacific Region: Trends and Issues. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, vol. 10 no.2 (2001). DOI:10.1177/011719680101000203. p.274-275.
References
Amaral, Alberto., Neave, Guy., Musselin, Christine., Maassen, Peter. European Integration and the Governance of Higher Education and Research. (1st edn New York: Springer, 2010).
Brooks, Rachel & Waters, Johanna. Student Mobilities, Migration and the Internationalization of Higher Education. (1st edn Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011).
Ginnerskov-Dahlberg, Mette. I guess that things can work in the West: Unravelling the narratives of Eastern European master’s students in Denmark. (Ph.D diss. Aarhus: Aarhus University, 2019).
Morthorst-Rasmussen, Drude. Danish government to cut English-language programmes with more than 1,000 students. Uniavisen. 28 august 2018. https://uniavisen.dk/en/danish-government-to-cut-english-language-programmes-with-more-than-1000-students/ (Accessed 22 October 2019).
Perkins, Richard & Neumayer, Eric. Geographies of educational mobilities: exploring the uneven flows of international students. The Geographical Journal, vol. 180 no.3 (2014). DOI: 10.1111/geoj.12045.
Phillips, Matthew W. & Stahl, Charles W. International Trade in Higher Education Services in the Asia Pacific Region: Trends and Issues. Asian and Pacific Migration Journal, vol. 10 no.2 (2001). DOI:10.1177/011719680101000203.