Liberalization in higher education comes forward in an increasing number of countries. This trend may be connected to the increasing globalization of the world as a result of technological innovations regarding transport, communication and many other things. Traveling and international communication becomes cheaper and easier which contributes to an increasingly connected world. The educational system follows a similar trend, in particular within higher education where the results of globalization are probably the most noticeable of all educational levels. International student migration is an evident example of that, just like increasing international scientific collaboration.
International mobility and liberalization in higher education
While increasing international mobility is one aspect of globalization, the liberalization of financial markets is often mentioned in the same context. This development has had its influence on the funding of higher education. In order to keep the higher educational system affordable, many European countries liberalized parts of the educational system and shifted their educational policies towards a more ‘American’ liberal approach.[1]
The Dutch higher education is a good example of a European higher educational system that has shifted towards a more liberal direction since it recently reformed its student grant system for higher education drastically. Students starting a program in Dutch higher education until the academic year of 2014-2015, received financial aid from the government in the form of a monthly student grant consisting of €286,15 for students living on their own and €102,77 for students living with their parents.[2] These contributions could be complemented by a student loan for more financial space but the contributions themselves turned into gifts after graduation within ten years.
In the academic year of 2015-2016, the student grant system was replaced by the ‘social loan-system’.[3] The social loan system abolished the former student grants and encouraged students to either work besides their studies or make use of the new loan system in which debts were to be repaid in 35 years instead of 15 years as was the case within the former model. In addition to that, the monthly repayment would be based on the students’ income two years after graduation.[4]
Interest rates were promised to remain very low and parts of the loan could be remitted when a student would face strong financial difficulties in the future and have a long-term low income. It was argued that these conditions gave the new loan system its ‘social’ character although objectively seen students would no longer receive a ‘free’ government contribution in the form of a student grant.
While tuition fees for Dutch higher education have increased every year, the government stated that cuts on student grants were necessary to invest in the quality of higher education.[5] In this essay we will investigate where that necessity might come from and why the costs of higher education apparently have risen significantly.
In order to find that explanation, we will first look into the history of Dutch education and connect this to the international development of education. Afterwards, we will focus more on recent developments within higher education in particular and connect this knowledge to the specific case of the Netherlands.
The history of Dutch education
Although educational practices have been present in the Netherlands for centuries, the institutionalization of education in the country became a reality in the year 1900 when compulsory education was introduced.[6] Initially, an important reason for doing so, was the stimulation of a sense of citizenship and a national identity as happened in many other countries in Europe at the time.[7] In addition to that, the implementation of the national educational system contributed to a shift of power from the church to the state. The state got a stronger influence over the content of the curriculum compared to before 1900 when the church had a much stronger educational role.[8]
When the state gradually took over that educational role, dialects slowly disappeared with the introduction of ‘Algemeen Beschaafd Nederlands’ (general civilized Dutch) which was taught at schools. At the same time the educational system became centrally financed by the state.[9] Because of the increased influence of the state over the educational training of the population, school became the institution that became responsible for the connection between citizens and the state. It increased the national cohesion.
Until the moment compulsory education was introduced, primary education was generally regarded sufficient for the Dutch population.[10] Although secondary education did already exist around the year 1900, it was exclusive for recruited students of the highest social classes which were trained for the more prestigious and exclusive jobs.[11] The industrialization changed that perspective quickly and the demand for educated people grew drastically. This led to the fact that many families started to invest heavily in the education of their family members.[12] Since the state had an interest in an educated population as well for the purpose of economic growth, it started subsidizing education which led to even greater numbers of students seeking post-primary school educational training.[13]
Nowadays, subsidizing the educational system is still present in the Netherlands. Primary- and secondary education are fully funded by the state while higher education demands a tuition fee of about 2000 euros per academic year.[14] Compared to non-EU tuition fees, the height of the tuition fee is significantly lower which indicates that higher education in the Netherlands is heavily subsidized by the government and not fully liberalized.
An international history of the university
The historical development of the Dutch educational system and -state is not unique. Many other countries experienced a similar development of unification towards nation-states with a common language, history, customs and a national education system.[15] Higher education had a somewhat special position in this development since it has had an international character from about the time it was established. A clear example of that, are the European universities in medieval times. One the one hand, national groups were present in the European medieval universities as was the case in for example the university of Paris, Bologna and Padua.[16] On the other hand, the language of instruction was Latin which was perceived an international language that was studied by higher social classes in a variety of nations.[17] This allowed for example theology students to study abroad at universities such as Paris and Bologna and return to their home countries afterwards to enter the labor market.[18] Knowledge became therefore internationally available for the higher social classes and turned the early universities into elitist institutions with an international character.[19] For that reason, the ‘national’ and ‘international’ co-emerged within universities almost from the very start they were established.[20]
As explained earlier, the introduction of compulsory education in the Netherlands around 1900, followed the example of many other European countries at the time. When the presence of universities with an international character several hundreds of years before that is taken into consideration, it becomes clear how the exclusive character of education changed.
While in the Netherlands primary school education was regarded sufficient for the mass population around the year 1900, universities had been operative for a few centuries already, creating or maintaining class differences in European societies. The European industrialization changed that power balance as the demand for skilled workers increased and could not be met by the exclusive and small educated elite. For that reason, mass education became necessary and the educational attainment of the population had to rise throughout all educational levels.
Liberalization in higher education
Throughout the twentieth century, the demand for skilled workers has kept increasing under the development of industrialization, globalization and economic expansion. Especially after the second world war when big parts of Europe were in ashes, rebuilding the European countries led to a high demand for an extensive workforce in Europe. In line with that, the need for educational training grew.
The strongly growing education of the population, has led to a higher ‘pressure’ on higher education since more and more students seek tertiary educational credentials. The British author John Brennan distinguished higher education in three categories as a result of that development. First of all, there is elite education which primarily derives from the old prestigious universities meant for the high social classes. Secondly, there is mass education, which are academic institutions to prepare students for the needs of the labor market. At last there is universal education, which can be seen as higher education that is accessible for all.[21]
According to the American sociologist Martin Trow, the distinction of the different types of higher education has become increasingly vague. In particular the time of the late twentieth century with the increasing post-war demand for an educated workforce, reshaped the higher educational landscape significantly towards a system of mass education.[22] Hereby two different trends can be distinguished regarding the elite universities; they make a transition towards a mass educational institute or they strengthen their elite image and target specifically the higher social classes.[23]
When higher education started to expand, in many countries the elite universities started to grow first until they reached their maximum capacity. This left a space for the less prestigious institutions to grow and admit an increasing number of new students as well.[24] The educational practices within higher education has shifted strongly as a result of that, since mass education is much more directed towards market-oriented educational training while elite education has a stronger emphasis on providing access to an exclusive network and intellectual resources. This becomes visible in for example the more personal relationships of teacher with their students within elite universities compared to mass education where the content of the curriculum is more important.[25] In addition to that, elite education often exposes students to significant workloads in order to prepare them for high-demanding leadership roles in society in the future.[26]
The implementation of a high workload could be beneficial for elite universities for several reasons; it increases the value of an elite school diploma compared to a diploma of a mass university since more knowledge can be taught in a similar amount of time. It teaches students additional skills such as multi-tasking and prioritizing and working besides studying becomes nearly impossible because of the high workload, which eliminates students from less privileged social classes if they want to avoid significant student loans. Among other reasons, these elements may reproduce the exclusive character of elite education and its distinctive character.
The French sociologist Pierre Bourdieu argued that the unification of fields would benefit the dominant over the suppressed.[27] In the case of the higher educational field that means that the social agents (the students) are not equally equipped and prepared from a cultural and economic perspective for the ‘economic game’ (the labour market) after graduation.[28] Elite students would thereby receive all necessary cultural- and economic capital from their personal backgrounds and the network of the elite university, while students at mass- and universal educational institutes would lack these.
Apart from the available forms of capital in the students’ private life and the university network, the content of the curriculum plays a significant role in the competitive position of the student after graduation as well. Hereby strong differences can be noticed between elite- mass- and universal education. The curriculum of many elite universities is highly structured and based upon what the university staff thinks the student should know, while the curriculum of mass education is generally more flexible and different courses can be combined.[29] Universal education is often even more flexible and unstructured and distinguishes itself from mass education by focussing more on coursework without a specific preparation for the labour market.[30] To summarize, the three types of higher education distinguish themselves from each other by their recruitment policies, academic standard and ultimate authority.[31]
Elite higher education under pressure
While the dominant position of elite higher education might seem secured, the critique on elite education has developed strongly over time. An important reason for that, is that the growing demand for higher education has led to a growth of the university administration as well. To justify these explosively increasing costs, elite education cannot always support the arguments for their expenses in a similar way as mass educational institutes do which are often more clearly adjusted to the direct economic needs of the market.[32] In addition to that, the exclusive nature of elite universities is in conflict with other inclusive policies in society which are focused on promoting equality and meritocracy.[33] These policies were mainly implemented after the second world war when the democratic ideology became more dominant. The majority of the population in many countries wanted accessible education for all which led to increasing costs and challenges regarding the standardization of education and assessment measures.[34]
In order to cover the increasing costs of higher education, the educational policies of many European countries shifted towards a more liberal model as in the UK and America.[35] In other words, to cope with the rising costs of higher education many countries chose for a liberalization of the higher educational system. To what extent they did so differs strongly across the European countries but the recently changed funding of the Dutch higher education might be a good example of this development.
With the liberalizing trend of higher education, the marketization of educational programs has grown along. Many argue that charging tuition fees and other additional costs of education turns education into a product which is to be consumed by the students which are the customers. Higher educational institutes are therefore forced to ‘sell’ themselves to justify these costs.[36] Mass education has an easier task in doing so compared to elite education since it is often cheaper and strongly connected to usefulness on the labour market. Elite higher education is therefore under pressure and is forced to make use of other methods to justify their costs. One of these, could be found in international university rankings.
Liberalization in higher education, standardization and global university rankings
As a result of the growing desire for equal and accessible education after the second world war, higher education has followed a trend of standardization. Global university rankings have played a central role in that development.[37] What international university rankings do, is validating the quality of education and educational institutions by a standardized set of measures which are equally applied to all educational institutions that are validated.
On the one hand, this expresses clear demands of what good education exactly is and leads thereby to a standardization of what aims all educational institutions should strive for. This philosophy is in line with the post-war desire of promoting equal access and quality of education in all places. On the other hand, global university rankings allow elite schools and -countries to justify their added value and dominant positions in the international educational landscape.[38] This is possible since the criteria for the international rankings are created by just a handful of countries and stakeholders which can adjust the criteria to meet their strengths the best. In that way, they can secure that their educational institutes rank at the top of the charts and high costs, strict admission criteria or other characteristics of elite education can be justified.[39]
While it might seem that the standardization of education serves no other need than sketching the outlines for what education should look like or as a tool for elite schools to distinguish themselves, it is useful to analyze the existence of global university rankings in a broader context. Just like the example of theology students studying around medieval Europe in Latin, the internationalization of academic credentials can be extremely useful in a globalizing labor market. Within a European context, the Bologna process is a great example of an initiative to standardize the validation of academic credentials by the introduction of the ECTS credit system.
Academic foreign credentials can through the ECTS system easily be validated in the home country or another country and thereby contribute to international mobility for job opportunities. This connects strongly to the idea of the ‘age of human capital’ in which knowledge and skills become increasingly important over the classical industrial capitalism of the early twentieth century.[40] This development follows the same line as the evolution of the Dutch- and many other European educational systems throughout the twentieth century in which mass education started to arise. In addition to that, it gives an explanation for why mass educational institutions have an easier time to justify their practices compared to elite institutions. The very existence of mass educational institutions derives from the post-industrial economic demands in the twentieth century.
The Bologna process is just one development in which the increased international attention for higher education comes forward. Other ways in which it does, is the increased attention of supranational organizations like the OECD for educational systems. The OECD’s PISA test for example, which measures the performance of high school students in different countries around the world, is receiving an increased attention internationally and is a heavily relied-on tool for national- and international policymaking around education.[41] An important argument for doing so, is the idea of increasing international competition known as ‘knowledge wars’ in which countries compete to ‘outsmart’ each other for the purpose of economic advantage.[42]
With a shift from an industrial to post-industrial society which has a stronger emphasis on services, this theory is often accepted as a given. Though, it is criticized as well since research has shown that the supply and demand regarding the academic training of people does not follow the same trend. While the amount of educated people has grown indeed, the demand for them has not grown to the same extent within all sectors of the labor market.[43] In addition to that, many employers tend to value soft skills more and more compared to hard skills. For example emotional intelligence, the ability to work independently, quick adaption to changing work conditions and general social confidence are often perceived as extremely valuable skills.[44] In addition to that, the globalizing labor market has led to an increased competition among employees since employees with lower but sufficient degrees or employees from developing countries are often willing to work for lower salaries.[45] The concept of the knowledge wars between countries can therefore be criticized since jobs can be outsourced to countries with lower salaries.
What has to be kept in mind though with this analysis, is that not all jobs are suitable for outsourcing and in some fields academic knowledge does indeed translate itself directly into additional value on the labor market. It is just important to realize that these developments seem to differ over the different sectors of the labor market of different countries since sociological research has consistently pointed out that educational attainment and labor market positions deriving from that differ strongly between countries.[46] According to this research, educational attainment and occupational status show the strongest correlation within highly stratified societies.[47] The standardization of education and measuring the quality of education becomes therefore difficult when these are to be representative for labor market demands since the value of certain academic credentials is perceived differently by employers in different countries.[48]
The international field of higher education and the position of the Netherlands
Throughout history, the development of mass education has been promoted both from a ‘top down’ and a ‘down to top’ direction. Both citizens and the state could benefit from educational training for economic gains which has led to an explosive growth in educational attainment in Europe and other parts of the world. Though, the positioning of countries within the global field of higher education differs strongly. Global university rankings might play an important role in that hierarchy since countries deciding over the evaluation criteria have the ability to position their educational institutes higher in the rankings.
According to Bourdieu, globalization might lead to a unification of economic fields around the world by a set of juridical-political measures to remove the limitations of such unification.[49] The result of that would be that nation-states lose grip over their own economic markets and merge into the bigger global economic field. Bourdieu states that this trend can be perceived as neoliberal policy leading to a symbolic force from the economically dominant nations over the less wealthy ones.[50] Within that theory, supranational organizations and initiatives such as the OECD and Bologna process would contribute to the neoliberal ideology of opening up the world market of education which is directly related to the economic field. One the one hand, this relation would come forward through the available economic capital that can be invested in these educational institutes, on the other hand because of the value of the ‘product’ of these institutes (the diploma) and the value that represents within the global economic field (the international labor market). As a result of these developments, the economically wealthy countries could reproduce their dominant positions in the global economic field through their educational systems.
This theory can be supported when international student migration patterns are being researched. Within these patterns, three major migration patterns can be perceived of the most popular countries for receiving international students. The first is the ‘Pacific pole’, which is dominated by the English. The second is the ‘central European pole’ which is dominated by German and Slavic languages and the third is the ‘French-Iberian pole’ which is dominated by the Spanish, Portuguese and French.[51] The reasons for students to seek educational credentials in one of these three poles differs strongly from proximity to former colonial ties, language or market logic.[52] What the migration patterns make clear, is that the value of western credentials is apparently regarded that much higher in other parts of the world, that migration to either of these poles is worth the investment. This might be regarded strong proof for a western dominance in the global educational field which can then be related to the positioning in the global economic field.
In order to maintain dominant positions in the global educational field, the quality of education should constantly be invested in to justify its additional value in relation to other educational systems. This requires ever-growing economic investments in the educational system. In addition to the shift towards mass education, the increased scale and quality of higher education causes a strong financial pressure on governmental budgets for education. A strategy to cope with these rising costs, is to promote the liberalization of educational systems.
Around the world, nearly all countries face challenges around the rising costs of education. These challenges consist of the questions to what extent the government is willing to cover the costs of education and what contribution is demanded from citizens themselves. In addition to that, questions arise to what extent higher education should be privatized, what role technology can play to reduce the costs of education, how extensive the research role of domestic universities should be, what budgets should be made available for internationalization and what the working conditions for academic staff should look like.[53] At the same time all these internal questions arise, improving the position of the educational system in the global educational field requires strong investments as well. For that reason, the neoliberal ideology as described by Bourdieu, might be a way some countries try to meet these quickly increasing expenses.
Conclusion
The increasing costs for higher education are on itself not a big surprise. Just like everything else in the economy, prices rise under influence of inflation and other economic developments. Though, the costs of higher education are likely to have increased very strongly over the last couple of decades. Firstly, because higher education has grown explosively under the up rise of mass education and secondly, because it is likely that the positioning of a nation in the global educational field is related strongly to the global economic field.
The Dutch higher education takes an interesting position within these developments. It is a small yet economically powerful nation with many higher educational institutes that are ranked highly in different global university rankings. At the same time, the stream of international students towards the Netherlands cannot be connected to one of the three main educational ‘poles’ that were explained earlier. This could be an indication that the international reputation of Dutch higher education is not as strong as is the case for countries in either of the three poles. In order to keep up with that competition and secure a strong position in the global field of education, heavy economic investments in higher education might be necessary. The abolishment of the former student grant system which is replaced by the social loan system, can be connected to the neoliberal policies as described by Bourdieu.
It is possible that the Dutch higher educational system has reached its limits regarding the budget the government is willing to spend on it under the seating government and therefore reaches out to neoliberal policies to keep investing in higher education while presenting the bill to some extent to the citizen. These developments might explain where the necessity of cuts on the educational budget might come from and why the liberalization of Dutch higher education has increased in the last few years. Of course, the cause of this development might as well be located elsewhere or be only partially aligned with this analysis. In order to find that answer more extensive research should be conducted.
References
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Altbach, P. Comparative perspectives on higher education for the twenty-first century. Higher Education Policy; 11(4), 1998.
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[1] Trow, M. “Reflections on the Transition from Elite to Mass to Universal Access: Forms and Phases of Higher Education in Modern Societies since WWII”, in International Handbook of Higher Education. (Dordrecht: Springer, 2006) p.269
[2] LSVB; Het oude stelsel; lsvb.nl; https://lsvb.nl/dossiers/studiefinanciering/het-oude-stelsel/; Accessed 4-6-2020
[3] Lucas Benschop; 2014; Iedereen gaat erop vooruit met leenstelsel; Nu.nl; https://www.nu.nl/politiek/3788649/iedereen-gaat-er-vooruit-met-leenstelsel.html; Accessed 4-6-2020
[4] LSVB; Terugbetalen studieschuld; lsvb.nl; https://lsvb.nl/dossiers/studiefinanciering/terugbetalen-studieschuld/; Accessed 4-6-2020
[5] Lucas Benschop; 2014; Iedereen gaat erop vooruit met leenstelsel; Nu.nl; https://www.nu.nl/politiek/3788649/iedereen-gaat-er-vooruit-met-leenstelsel.html; Accessed 4-6-2020
[6] Stang, D; Soysal Y.N. Construction of the first mass education systems in nineteenth-century Europe. Sociology of Education; 62(4), 1989; p.278
[7] Evertsson, J. History, nation and school inspections: the introduction of citizenship education in elementary schools in late nineteenth-century Sweden. History of Education, 44(3), 2015, p.259
[8] Noordman, J.M.A; Rietveld-van Wingerden, M; Bakker, N. Vijf eeuwen opvoeden in Nederland: idee en praktijk, 1500-2000 (Assen: Koninklijke Van Gorcum, 2006). p.550
[9] Ibid. p.548
[10] Boekholt, P.T.F.M; de Booy E.P. Geschiedenis van de school in Nederland vanaf de middeleeuwen tot aan de huidige tijd (Assen, Uitgeverij Van Gorcum, 1987). p.257.
[11] Ibid.
[12] Ibid p.258
[13] Ibid.
[14] Rijksoverheid; Collegegeld;
https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/onderwerpen/hoger-onderwijs/vraag-en-antwoord/hoogte-van-het-collegegeld-hogeschool-universiteit; Accessed 4-6-2020.
[15] Caruso, M. Within between above and beyond Pre positions for a history of the internationalisation of educational practices and knowledge, Pedagogica Historica, 50(1-2), 2014. p.12
[16] Ibid. p.13
[17] Altbach, P. Comparative perspectives on higher education for the twenty-first century. Higher Education Policy; 11(4), 1998. p.348
[18] Engwall, L. The Internationalisation of Higher Education. European Review; 24(2), 2016. p.221
[19] Altbach, P. Comparative perspectives on higher education for the twenty-first century. Higher Education Policy; 11(4), 1998. p.348
[20] Caruso, M. Within between above and beyond Pre positions for a history of the internationalisation of educational practices and knowledge, Pedagogica Historica, 50(1-2), 2014. p.25
[21] Trow, M. “Reflections on the Transition from Elite to Mass to Universal Access: Forms and Phases of Higher Education in Modern Societies since WWII”, in International Handbook of Higher Education. (Dordrecht: Springer, 2006) p.243
[22] Trow, M. “Reflections on the Transition from Elite to Mass to Universal Access: Forms and Phases of Higher Education in Modern Societies since WWII”, in International Handbook of Higher Education. (Dordrecht: Springer, 2006) p.245
[23] Ibid. p.247
[24] Ibid. p.248
[25] Ibid. p.249
[26] Ibid.
[27] Bourdieu, P. The Social Structures of the Economy. (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005 [1988]) p.224
[28] Ibid. p.223
[29] Trow, M. “Reflections on the Transition from Elite to Mass to Universal Access: Forms and Phases of Higher Education in Modern Societies since WWII”, in International Handbook of Higher Education. (Dordrecht: Springer, 2006) p.254
[30] Ibid.
[31] Trow, M. “Reflections on the Transition from Elite to Mass to Universal Access: Forms and Phases of Higher Education in Modern Societies since WWII”, in International Handbook of Higher Education. (Dordrecht: Springer, 2006) p.257
[32] Ibid. p.260
[33] Ibid.
[34] Ibid. p.265-266
[35] Ibid p.269
[36] Ibid p.276
[37] Hagg, I. & Wedlin, L. Standards for quality A critical appraisal of the Berlin Principles for international rankings of universities. Quality in Higher Education, 19(3), 2013. p.326
[38] Ibid.
[39] Ibid. p.331
[40] Brown P & Lauder H. Globalization, Knowledge, and The Myth of The Magnet Economy. In: Livingstone D.W., Guile D. (eds) The Knowledge Economy and Lifelong Learning. The Knowledge Economy and Education, (4th edn. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers, 2012) p.25
[41] Ibid. p.26
[42] Ibid. p.26
[43] Ibid. p.48
[44] Ibid.
[45] Ibid. p.49
[46] Allmendinger, J. Educational Systems and Labor Market Outcomes. European Sociological Review; 5(3), 1989. p.232
[47] Ibid p.247
[48] Ibid. p.248
[49] Bourdieu, P. The Social Structures of the Economy. (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2005 [1988]) p.224
[50] Ibid.
[51] Börjesson, M. The global space of international students in 2010. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies; 43(8), 2017. p.1256
[52] Ibid p.1267
[53] Altbach, P. Comparative perspectives on higher education for the twenty-first century. Higher Education Policy; 11(4), 1998. p.354-355